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http://www.commondreams.org/view/2014/06/17
When
George W. Bush and the neocons launched their war in Iraq, critics
coined the slogan, "'Iraq' is Arabic for 'Vietnam.'" The point was
obvious: Another long quagmire of a war in an inhospitable foreign land
would lead once again to nothing but death, suffering, and defeat for
America.
That was back in 2003 and 2004, when the parallel was to the Vietnam war of 1965 - 1973.
To see why "Iraq" is still Arabic for "Vietnam" we have to turn the
historical memory dial back just a few more years, to 1962 and 1963.
That was when John F. Kennedy struggled with the same dilemma now facing
Barack Obama: How much, if it all, should we get involved militarily to
help a corrupt leader who stays in power by terrorizing his political
enemies?
Here's what JFK told interviewers in September, 1963, about South
Vietnam under President Ngo Dinh Diem: "I don't think ... unless a
greater effort is made by the Government to win popular support that
the war can be won out there."
Here's what Barack Obama told reporters
on June 13, 2014: "Iraq’s leaders have to demonstrate a willingness to
make hard decisions and compromises on behalf of the Iraqi people in
order to bring the country together. ... and account for the legitimate
interests of all of Iraq’s communities, and to continue to build the
capacity of an effective security force."
JFK: "In the final analysis it is their war. They are the ones who
have to win it or lose it. We can help them, we can give them equipment,
we can send our men out there as advisers, but they have to win it."
Obama: "We can’t do it for them. ... The United States is not simply
going to involve itself in a military action in the absence of a
political plan by the Iraqis that gives us some assurance that they’re
prepared to work together."
JFK balanced his calls for Diem to reform with what sounded like a
promise that the South Vietnamese government would get U.S. aid no
matter what it did or failed to do: "I don't agree with those who say we
should withdraw.... This is a very important struggle even though it is
far away. ... We also have to participate -- we may not like it -- in
the defense of Asia."
Obama sounded a similar note: "Given the nature of these terrorists,
it could pose a threat eventually to American interests as well. Iraq
needs additional support to break the momentum of extremist groups and
bolster the capabilities of Iraqi security forces. ... They will have
the support of the United States. ... We have enormous interests
there."
Just as Kennedy publicly denied that he contemplated any significant
troop buildup, Obama insisted, "We will not be sending U.S. troops back
into combat in Iraq." Yet JFK continued pouring "advisors" into Vietnam
throughout his presidency, just as Obama promised that there would be
"selective actions by our military ... We have redoubled our efforts to
help build more capable counterterrorism forces so that groups like
ISIL can’t establish a safe haven. And we’ll continue that effort. "
Kennedy's warning that military aid depended on South Vietnamese
government reform was not merely for public consumption. A year earlier
he had sent Diem a private letter promising more money for Diem's army
but adding a warning that the aid was "specifically conditioned up
Vietnamese performance with respect to particular needed reforms" that
would be "most effective to strengthen the vital ties of loyalty between
the people of Free [i.e. South] Vietnam and their government."
Whether Obama has sent such a letter to Iraq's prime minister Nouri al-Maliki is anybody's guess.
There's another key difference. In his 1963 interviews JFK explained
that Vietnam itself was not the crucial issue. It was more about the
world's perception of America's power. Losing Vietnam would give "the
impression that the wave of the future in southeast Asia was China and
the Communists."
Obama has not come out and said anything quite like this. Yet he must
be keenly aware that his critics at home -- and even some of his usual
supporters -- are urging him to make sure the world knows that the U.S.
still runs the show.
Just a week before Mosul fell to the ISIS/ISIL forces, liberal commentator Fareed Zakaria wrote that "the
world today... rests on an order built by the United States that, since
1989, has not been challenged by any other major player." The big
question, he said, is: "How to ensure that these conditions continue,
even as new powers -- such as China -- rise and old ones -- such as
Russia -- flex their muscles?" Now a new power is rising in the Middle
East, and the question of preserving the world order is likely central
to the conversation in the Oval Office.
Indeed another usual supporter of Obama's foreign policy, the New York Times, says that neocon Robert Kagan's recent article "Superpowers Don't Get to Retire"
"struck a nerve in the White House" -- so much so that "the president
even invited Mr. Kagan to lunch to compare world views." "Events in Iraq
Open Door for Interventionist Revival," the Times' headline declared.
So Obama is stuck in much the same dilemma that faced Kennedy:
feeling compelled, both by global geopolitical and domestic political
concerns, to bolster an ally, but knowing that all the military aid in
the world won't help such a fatally flawed ally win the military victory
that the U.S. government wants.
How to resolve the dilemma? JFK insisted on keeping all his options
open. Obama said: "I have asked my national security team to prepare a
range of other options that could help support Iraqi security forces,
and I’ll be reviewing those options in the days ahead."
JFK sent a seemingly endless round of envoys to Vietnam to study the
situation and report back to him. Obama may well end up doing the same.
"We want to make sure that we have good eyes on the situation there,"
the current president said. "We want to make sure that we’ve gathered
all the intelligence that’s necessary so that if, in fact, I do direct
and order any actions there, that they’re targeted, they’re precise and
they’re going to have an effect."
Have an effect? Looking back at the outcome in Vietnam, all one can say to Mr. Obama is, "Lotsa luck, buddy."
And one must wonder whether Obama has told Maliki in private what JFK
told Diem: U.S. troops would not actually be doing the fighting; we
would only send military aid and advisors. Nevertheless, the U.S. would
"expect to share in the decision-making process in the political,
economic, and military fields." Looking back to Vietnam and ahead to
Iraq, one can only say again, "Lotsa luck, buddy."
To the end of his life Kennedy remained caught up in a typical
American fantasy: If you just work hard enough at it, you can reason
your way to the precisely perfect solution. You can walk the fine line
that lets you avoid hard decisions and instead find the perfect balance
that embraces both sides of the dilemma. You can have it all. And
because you are America you can bend smaller nations to your will,
enforce that perfect solution, and insure a happy ending for everyone.
If the ghost of JFK still wanders the White House he might be waking
Barack Obama in the middle of the night, saying, "Lotsa luck on that
one, too, buddy."
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